“the horror, the horror” OR Punjabi Showdown, Part 2

“the horror, the horror” OR Punjabi Showdown, Part 2

Kargil has indeed cast a long shadow over us.

Other things too. In recent days, as the row between the PML N and the men on horseback intensifies, I’m struck by certain political lineages. But first, let’s just applaud this veteran politician for finally saying in public what so many have thought in private:

Javed Hashmi’s press conference in Multan

Javed Hashmi, “the reward for the blood of the martyrs is, however, not the right to rule”

Back to lineages and Punjab vs Punjab:

In a discussion on Fatima Jinnah’s challenge to another dictator, Ayub Khan, someone pointed out that the person who committed the most disgusting PR stunt in Gujranwala against her election campaign, was the father of Khwaja Asif, a PML N stalwart and outspoken critic of the military’s role in politics and foreign policy.

Those who were old enough to remember the explosion and aftermath of the Ojhri Camp disaster 30 years ago, felt a disturbance in the force, so to speak, when they heard of Shahid Khaqan Abbasi becoming Prime Minister – his father, after all, was Zia’s Minister of Production, and the man personally in charge of handling the supply line of Stinger missiles from the Americans to the Mujahideen – who tragically died when one of the Stingers set off by the explosions at Ojhri, locked on to his car’s engine and blew it up. Journalists from that time allege that Stingers required specialist training to operate – only someone with that training could have set them off and there was a very limited set of people within the military who had that training. That set of people was under extreme pressure from the Americans to explain how it was that one of their (the Americans’) spy planes had been shot down by a Stinger fired by Irani ground troops – given that the only country the Americans had sold the Stingers to was Pakistan. The blowing up of the entire stockpile of Stinger missiles eliminated the possibility of the audit that the Americans were demanding. Someone or some people decided that it was acceptable to kill hundreds of Pakistanis, wound and maim thousands and endanger the national capital as well as the military GHQ in order to escape accountability. A somewhat fictionalised account of one reporter’s first-hand experience of this events can be found in Tariq Mehmood’s The Song of Gulzarina. The public was never informed of what happened and common Pakistanis who happened to be in the wrong place at the wrong time still have no answers to their questions. So much for discipline, so much for order and justice. No one was hanged, much less jailed for this complete breakdown in national security, for this mass murder.

And, of course, the party crying foul at being victimised by the establishment is the very party for whom the establishment rigged the 1990 elections, as established in the Asghar Khan case.

Khwaja Asif’s father, Shahid Khaqan Abbasi’s father, Maryam Nawaz’s father… the sins of their fathers, it seems, are being visited upon them… except, of course, that the power doing the visiting was once their benefactor, their best friend.

And now, the usual “unidentified men” have attacked and beaten up the elderly Javed Hashmi.

How much shit must you have pulled to be so scared of the slightest whisper of accountability?!

Every single day furnishes further proof of what Benazir Bhutto said, “Democracy is the best revenge.”


Today Raza, tomorrow me

FeaturedToday Raza, tomorrow me

I met Raza one chilly evening in December 2007, during the agitated, confusing and angry “winter of our discontent”. It was on a quiet street in GOR I in Lahore, where friends had gathered to mount a vigil in support of a judge of the High Court who had refused to take oath under the new Provisional Constitutional Order of General Musharraf’s Emergency Rule. This judge was among the scores of judges summarily dismissed by the regime – which now wanted to evict him and his family from his official residence in contravention of the 30 day notice period. Local activists had decided to mount a vigil outside this residence as a show of support and to bring attention to the rampant abuse of unaccountable power that was quickly taking over the country. Some of them guilted me into joining them for a few hours.

As we were a small group, everyone eventually got into a discussion of the political events going on at that time. There were some lawyers, a couple of young members of PTI (among them Raza), some “white-collar workers” like myself, some life-long human rights activists, elderly ladies in their 60s.

Raza’s arrest, alongwith that of a few other friends and others, a few nights later, became a cause célèbre for the lawyers movement as it was the first time that ordinary citizens, not aligned with any of the major political parties, not even lawyers, had stood up to the imposition of martial law and affirmed their belief in the necessity of legitimate, representative, civilian government – by the people, of the people, for the people.

We have been friends ever since, collaborating on a variety of causes over the years: highlighting the complicity of the government in enforced disappearances in 2006 – 2008, helping with relief efforts in support of internally displaced persons in Swat in 2009, demonstrating against Israeli aggression in Gaza in 2009/10 and again in 2011, participating in the campaign for the release from unlawful detention of Baba Jan Hunzai and his comrades.

In the spring of 2008, at the HRCP’s Dorab Patel Auditorium, we organised a seminar, “Missing in Pakistan”, that re-focused national attention on this most disquieting phenomenon. Our guests of honour included the families and representatives of Pakistanis abducted by security agencies, whose whereabouts remained unknown. We did not discriminate on the basis of ideology or possible accusation/reason for internment – our stance was, and remains, simple: the right to due process before the law is the basic requirement for civilized conduct and justice, regardless of the nature of the accusation. Raza was an active member of the organizing team of this event.

On the evening of December 2nd, 2017, Raza himself was abducted by people whom law-enforcement authorities privately confirm could only have been members of the security agencies.

It is now more than four months since his enforced disappearance, almost exactly ten years since he helped to organize the “Missing in Pakistan” seminar.

I have to stand up for him and for myself now.

اتنا نہ ڈراوؑ کہ ڈر ہی ختم ہو جائے۔

que sera, sera

I just spent around four hours going through more than 150 comments in a discussion thread in which a colleague and his current and former students, over a period of three days, have done their best to malign the character, academic credentials, professional judgement and intellectual integrity of one of the giants of theoretical computer science and of science education of Pakistan.

The target of their ire, Dr Ashraf Iqbal, is the Dean of the Faulty of Information Technology at the University of Central Punjab. He is also a poet and short story writer.

“Previous” include:

  • Almost 30 years of teaching electrical engineering at UET Lahore
  • Research work at NASA Research Centre, Langley and the University of South California
  • Overhauling the CS department at LUMS (Lahore University of Management Sciences), transforming it from a small department struggling with severe retention issues in 1999 to a dynamic powerhouse, active in research in both advanced theoretical topics as well as innovative applications of information and communication technologies. It was here that the major axes of his academic contributions of the years since were first elaborated: investigating common learning difficulties and obstacles in science and engineering in order to develop better pedagogical techniques, and, closely related, finding novel ways to apply ICT to solve some of Pakistan’s most pressing problems – lack of basic education, absence from the global research endeavour in the sciences (and hence our perpetual, dangerous, debilitating technological dependence), lack of innovation in terms of the new technology-enabled economy.
  • Developing a unique, research-oriented MS in Innovation, Technology and Education at NUST (National University of Science and Technology, Rawalpindi) – the first graduate program with an explicit focus on novel pedagogical approaches with the mandate to explore effective ways of blending instruction design, assessment and technology to deliver immersive learning experiences. The graduates of this program have an entrepreneurial mindset – self-starters with a deep passion for their field – who are making significant contributions to the goal of affordable, quality education for everyone, any where, any time.
  • Writing a textbook for use in introductory courses in graph theory – a core area in computer science – that gives preference to developing intuitive appreciation of the phenomena studied, rather than process drills or pattern-matching for “solving numericals”.

And he still believes that he hasn’t done enough for Pakistan, for the Muslim world, for science and education in Pakistan.


Coming back to the accusations and innuendo, the veiled and not-so-veiled threats, the attempts at character assassination – what was heartening and really encouraging were some of the responses of UCP students who methodically de-constructed the “case” this colleague has tried to build, pointing out the various logical fallacies, bringing to light the vested interest – vengeance – of this colleague and questioning his blatant manipulation of the religious feelings of his former students, who are, it seems, entirely unaware of the actual causes of his dispute with Professor Ashraf Iqbal.


I want to make this clear: no more. No more evil disguised as religiosity, no more abuse of religion for personal gain or revenge – na cchayR malangaan nooun.

“Against that accusatory finger…

“Against that accusatory finger…

there are four more pointing back at you.”

— famous Chinese proverb (according to a someone much better-read than me)

What do you do with a Judas?

He opens so many doors to so many people – yet he lets so many die… or worse, participates in, precipitates their deaths, or the death of their dreams. There are many such examples in today’s world of billionaire philanthropists.

Here, I am mainly intrigued by a Pakistani entrepreneur who has had a major influence on our lives at a very basic level: through the introduction of cheap, food-grade packaging solutions. This company has enabled the agri-business sector (and possibly alleviated unemployment a tad bit) and instead of being another burden on the balance of trade, it has contributed positively to it via exports and the avoidance of imports. Yet, it has brought about a revolution in the sales reach of packaged foods so that you can now find biscuits, chips, milk, cream of more or less questionable quality in the khokha of the smallest hamlet of the country. The environmental degradation, health issues due to consumption of these “non-organic” food products esp. among children, and cultural costs due to the disappearance of so many cottage/home industries brought about by this sea-change are issues that the next generation will have to deal with. Did such intelligent people as those working on these projects not see what they were doing? Or they did not care? “Negative externalities” is the right term to use I believe – which sounds like the economics equivalent of collateral damage.

At another level, the same person has proven to be a visionary: establishing academic institutions that are some of the best in their fields in Pakistan. Well, at least as per the generally accepted standards in these matters. More penetrating analysis might provide alternative, possibly more useful, perspectives. What cannot be denied is that these institutions have been steadfast bastions for a population in need of knowledge, critical thinking and creativity.

So it’s all the more puzzling that he should continue to be associated with a global trans-national corporation that is either the biggest or second biggest food processing group in the world – and it keeps growing, gobbling up smaller companies, expanding its “portfolio”, cowing and cajoling governments into “liberalizing” legislation for fatter profit margins. I don’t doubt that its competitors follow the exact same practices – else, they could not possibly keep up! But it does mean that this company – and its major competitors – care only for the “bottom line”… and even there, only for the profits of its big shareholders and upper management. For many shareholders of this company have tried to hold its feet to the fire on multiple violations of international treaties and national laws (in Europe, Africa and Asia) and have had no more than partial success – such is the power of Manon. For a very balanced, painfully careful account, you can read Mike Muller’s Guardian article from a few years ago: Nestlé baby milk scandal has grown up but not gone away

By providing a public space for Nestlé to comment, this article succeeds in drawing out a revealing response from its chairperson, Mr Peter Brabeck (see comments below the article), which allowed a civil society campaigner to point out some crucial inconsistencies and omissions in Mr. Brabeck’s response.

And then here’s something that is a source of immense pride for me. I really admire the courage and steadfastness of Syed Aamir Raza, a Nestlé baby milk salesperson from Sialkot, who, when he realized that babies in his sales region were dying because of the work of his team “influencing” doctors to prescribe Nestlé’s formula, resigned and spoke out against these practices. Despite the incredible pressure that such a large company has brought to bear to shut him out, to shut him up, he persisted and now, in collaboration with the International Baby Food Action Network, the film, Tigers, dramatizing his struggle has been released. I love this guy – here’s a regular, un-pretentious guy, trying to stand up for what’s right, regardless of the consequences. Struggling, wavering and ultimately choosing to take the road less traveled.

Do you see the incongruity of it all? A Pakistani guy, a young man from a nation reviled for the actions of its young men, from a group of countries considered “failed states”, “basket cases”, “corrupt to the core”, showing up the much bigger, “legalized” corruption of one of the largest companies in the world, based in the country that is the very symbol, in the mind of the public, of high idealism, of human rights (the UN Human Rights Council is based in Geneva) and humanitarianism (via the ICRC and the IFRC)*.

Just so it’s clear, Nestlé has consistently violated the marketing codes related to food products for infants – all over the world.

cover of the original 1974 report documenting unethical, aggressive marketing practices of companies producing powdered milk for babies
cover of the original 1974 report documenting unethical, aggressive marketing practices of companies producing powdered milk for babies

In its home country, Switzerland, and its home continent, Europe, it has repeatedly faced criticism for its unethical actions, leading to multiple boycotts and even punitive judicial action in some Third World countries with spine. The World Health Organization estimates that breast-feeding could prevent 800,000 child deaths every year – yet Nestlé and its competitors continue to aggressively market their formula milk for infants, constantly breaking the rules.

So, coming back to the dilemma – what do we do with this man? Just accept that “it’s complicated” (as per social media) and get on with one’s life? I tend towards this conclusion – with one caveat: it’s important to understand the fuller/deeper/larger story and what it means in its context. A case in point: getting a handle on the paradoxes he embodies gives me a better understanding of the highly publicized case of sexual harassment of a student by a teacher who is a member of his clan – at one of the very institutions he helped establish. A case in which, despite the directives of the Federal Ombudsman that he be fired, the predatory relative was protected and the victim vilified. After all, what does one measly National Outreach Programme scholar matter when the deaths of thousands of babies leave one unruffled?

At this point, a friend said, but he could always claim that as a member of the BoG of the company, he can’t be expected to keep an eye on the day-to-day activities of Nestlé Pakistan. To which I have two answers: I’m sure he knows exactly where each and every paisa in the account books come from and also that when one goes into a joint venture with a company, one does one’s due diligence and if the fact of a global boycott campaign somehow escaped their notice, then it sort of makes one wonder if corporate “due diligence” is yet another example of Orwellian Newspeak. Milkpak became Nestlé Pakistan in the late eighties/early nineties, the Nestlé baby milk scandal broke in 1974 and, as noted above, has never really gone away. So.


I asked a friend, an economist, to review this post and he came back with a comment that he says is standard political economy but which untangled so many knots for me: “He created a school so his class could hire cheap local labor and then there were some good things along the way for which he’s had sufficient political mileage. And he’s probably monetized that as well. I judge him neither for the “good” nor for the “bad” for they appear to me to be two sides of the same coin. It’s all good business and that’s how you do good business in a capitalist world. And then there are people […] who keeping nipping at their ankles […] And that’s quite nice.”


The deeper, really difficult question for me is: how would I behave given the same power and privilege? Would I meet the same standards of farsightedness and honesty that I expect from the enlightened don of our business “community”?



* Which opens a whole different can of worms – how to reconcile the co-existence of major UN and various international organisations that may be termed “pro-people” in Switzerland with its terrible record during WWII and the notorious banking secrecy laws – the laws that allowed Switzerland to pioneer the “we’ll keep your ill-gotten wealth safe for you” industry?


There’s an amazing bit of dialogue in Bajrangi Bhaijaan. It’s in the scene where Bajrangi is being tortured in a prison cell by Pakistani some un-named “counter-espionage” organisation in order to extract a false confession from him. The officer-in-charge eventually recognises Bajrangi’s innocence and decides that if Bajrangi is consigned to a life in limbo in Pakistani jails on false charges, he would consider it an insult to Pakistan’s honour – something he could not tolerate.

In this video, one brave Pakistani woman reminds us with simplicity and quiet determination of our duty to protect the weak and vulnerable sections of our society – without which we cannot claim to be responsible citizens of an honourable society.

I invite you to stand with those of us who believe, in the words of V, that “while the truncheon may be used in lieu of conversation, words will always retain their power. Words offer the means to meaning and, for those who will listen, the enunciation of truth.”


The following is an ode in prose in memory of one of the major influences on my life. What he faced, what he faced down, were far far greater challenges than I am ever likely to face. The writer is my beloved uncle[1][2] who passed away the same year in the autumn of 2009.

Iqbal Bali
A tribute

My dear friend and a great revolutionary, Mohammed Iqbal, affectionately
known by all his friends and admirers as Bali, died on 19 June in
Rawalpindi following complications after major heart surgery.
How does one talk of this man so full of energy? For me it is impossible
to imagine Pindi without him. For the last forty years he was the moving
force in all the demonstrations and meetings held in Pindi to promote
democracy in Pakistan. In this article I will talk about how I knew him
and about some of his political ideas. The activities that I will
highlight pertain basically to the period from 1969 to 1989 when I
worked closely with him. I left Pakistan in 1989 and withdrew from
taking active part in the democratic movement because of personal
reasons and because of the collapse of the left and the trade union

Bali’’s political activism goes back to the days in the sixties when he
was a radar technician in the Pakistan Air Force. He got into a lot of
scrapes while in the air force as he stood up to officers who mistreated
ordinary airmen and fought for the rights of the latter. Several times
he was punished for this.

He moved to Pindi in the late sixties when he was immediately involved
in the 1968-69 student movement against the Ayub Khan dictatorship. At
this time there was a rebirth throughout Pakistan of socialist and
Marxist ideas inspired by the great Vietnamese resistance and the
student movements in Europe and America against the war and for greater
democracy. Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto was also riding this wave with his
slogans of “roti, kapra, makan”. In Pindi too there were many people
discussing the concept of reviving a communist movement. Bali was part
of a group of young idealistic people wanting to overthrow the
oppressive capitalist social order in Pakistan. There were such groups
consisting of intellectuals, students and workers springing up in all
the major cities.

He worked with the People’s Labour Front (PLF), newly founded in Pindi
by Riffat Hussain Baba (now at PILER in Karachi) and Nazir Masih
(Secretary-General of the Municipal Worker’s Union of Rawalpindi).
(Sadly Nazir Masih, another great figure in the workers’ movement in
Pindi, died many years ago). In its heyday the PLF was the main trade
union federation for the major industries of Pindi and Islamabad,
including the large Kohinoor Textiles Mills on Peshawar Road. The PLF
played a leading role in negotiations for workers rights. There was many
a heroic battle that should be recounted by others. During his PLF years
Bali ran study circles with workers and wrote pamphlets and helped to
distribute them and to paste them on walls around the city. He was
always an activist who did not like long theoretical discussions and he
wanted to immediately get into action.

On 25 March 1971 Yahya Khan postponed, under pressure from Bhutto, the
Army and sections of the ruling class, the inaugural session of the
newly elected Parliament in which Sheikh Mujib’s Awami League had a
clear majority. Bali never forgave Bhutto for his role in this clearly
undemocratic move by Yahya. The group in Pindi (this included Bali) was
one of the few on the left who opposed the subsequent army action after
Mujib declared the independence of Bangladesh on 26 March 1971. I
remember that he and I were in Commercial Market, Satellite Town, on the
evening of that fateful 25th of March when we heard Yahya’s announcement
on the radio and we turned to each other and whispered: “This is the end
of Pakistan”. The consequences were obvious. Pakistan broke up and
Bangladesh was finally liberated in December 1971 but not before the
Pakistan Army perpetrated genocide in Bangladesh with probably millions
of deaths of innocent Bengalis. Bali opposed the army action and helped
to print and distribute leaflets against the military action. He also
took part in wall chalking against the army action in Bangladesh. This
was dangerous work but he was never afraid of being arrested.

Bali was not only active in pro-democracy and anti-dictatorship
movements but he was also a convinced anti-imperialist. He was
particularly incensed by the US war on the Vietnamese people and took
part in concrete actions against US interests in Pindi in the early 70s.
He also took part in an action to protest a particularly savage bombing
of a school in Vietnam and later in another action to protest the
bombing of Cambodia in the spring of 1970.

When Bhutto became President in December 1971 many on the left were
taken in by his rhetoric and had hopes that now Pakistan would be moving
towards socialism. Bali however was very clear about this. He did not
take the easy route of either joining or supporting the populist
movement represented by the People’s Party. He saw immediately that
Bhutto, although popular, represented the landlord class of Pakistan and
could not be relied upon to solve the problems of workers and peasants.
He believed that there should be an autonomous workers’ and peasants’
movement and that one should be working towards setting up a genuine
communist party. His seeing through the slogans of Bhutto was a
characteristic of Bali. A self-educated Marxist he could immediately see
through the rhetoric and could get to the core of an issue.

Although Bhutto talked about workers’ rights his government soon ran
into conflict with trade unions. He sent in police to break up strikes
and to evict workers who had taken over factories when owners tried to
do a lockout. In Multan several workers were killed when police fired on
them. The conflict with the Bhutto government intensified when Bhutto
introduced his labour laws, which were clearly not in the interests of
the working class. Trade union leaders were harassed and arrested and
this included, Riffat Baba, in 1973. The new labour laws and the
crackdown of labour unions by Bhutto and later Zia-ul-Haq led to the
collapse of the workers’ and trade union movement in the middle and late

Bali was one of the few on the left who supported the Baluchistan
insurgency between 1973 and 1977 not only by the usual propaganda
efforts but also by concrete material aid, which was not very large and
was mostly symbolic to show our comrades in Baluchistan that not all
Punjabis supported the army action there. Bali and his comrades were
isolated on this issue in the Punjab. Bali was instrumental in finding a
safe house for a Baluch comrade who had to go into hiding in 1973. This
was all highly risky work but again Bali did not hold back.

After 1977 when Gen. Zia-ul-Haq took over as dictator, Bali was as usual
at the heart of protests and propaganda against the dictatorship during
these long dark years which cast their ominous shadow on us even now. He
was an enthusiastic participant in the election boycott movement
proposed by the Movement for the Restoration of Democracy (MRD) in 1981.
At one point the MRD offered mass arrests in Rawalpindi. This turned out
into a farce because of the cowardice of the parties allied in the MRD.
The plan was to offer mass arrests voluntarily at a certain point in
Raja Bazar at a certain time. At this time the area was full of police
as expected. At the appointed time Bali issued forth with a placard
raising slogans against dictatorship and for democracy but not a single
worker from any party followed him. Of course he was immediately
arrested. First he was taken to a local thana and then taken to the
infamous dungeons at the Lahore Fort.

This was his longest period in jail. While in the Lahore Fort he was
beaten up and tortured with cigarette burns. He was interrogated both by
the police and the military intelligence services. But he was courageous
under this torture and did not name a single one of his companions. He
flaunted the fact that he was a communist and would remain so. They
asked him specifically about me. He laughed it off by saying that Dr.
Faheem was one of these intellectual leftists who came around to trade
unions and took part in demonstrations but did not do much and was not
taken seriously by the workers. He also told them that we were family
friends, which was true. I think he saved me from being arrested at that
time by laughing me off. Actually he was afraid at one point in his stay
at Lahore Fort that I had been arrested. While he was in the Fort he
heard one evening that they were bringing in three prisoners from
Islamabad, all of whom were professors. He inquired whether one of these
had a beard and the answer was yes. He thought this is it. Faheem has
been arrested. It turned out not to be true. The three brought to the
Fort that day were Jamil Omar and two other teachers from Quaid-i-Azam
University who were arrested for pasting pro-democracy leaflets on walls
in Islamabad. Jamil had a beard at that time. Iqbal told me that
although he was sad that these three had been arrested but that he was
relieved that I was not one of them.

On his release from jail after many months he continued to be active.
Even in his darkest years in the nineties when he was in severe
financial difficulties he never lost hope. To overcome financial
difficulties he went as far as Baluchistan to earn money doing physical
labour. On his return he plunged into his pro-democracy activities again.

Not only was he involved in demonstrating, writing pamphlets but he was
also very keen in promoting enlightenment and secular, rational thinking
in his neighbourhood. He set up several local educational committees
under whose aegis scientific lectures were delivered to local
townspeople. He even had the astrophysicist, Prof. Asghar Qadir, give a
talk on the origin of the universe, the big bang, black holes and all
that. His living room in Angadpura, off Saidpur Road, near the thana was
the meeting place for progressives of Pindi and was an obligatory halt
for visiting leftists. I remember long evenings discussing revolutionary
practice and theory, Punjabi and Sikh history, poetry, world affairs
with Bali and his friends. These evenings were spiced by the excellent
food served by his wife, Salma, and by liberal drinks of the fermented

On my return to Pakistan in 2005 I found Bali to be as active and
enthusiastic in the struggle for democracy as before. He was
particularly happy to note that there was a new crop of young people in
Islamabad and Rawalpindi who were imbued with Marxist ideas and were
beginning to organise workers and peasants for a democratic,
anti-capitalist struggle. The 2005 earthquake found him in the forefront
of mobilising aid for the affected people. With funds raised in
Islamabad and abroad he helped establish a school in the Siran River
Valley near Nawazabad, north of Mansehra. I remember climbing up to 3000
metres to survey a badly hit village and later carrying aid up to this
village, both of us unaware of having bad hearts at that time! We were
both struggling with our breathing and we could have popped off at any
time! Anyway we survived. All the time that we were in the mountains he
would keep up his democratic and anti-mullah propaganda and try to
convince people that the best response to the disaster was not to become
dependent on outside help but to rely on self-help. Sometimes his
anti-religious jokes were so strong that I was worried that this might
incite the local people to whom he was talking.

This brings me to another aspect of Bali’’s character. He was above all a
committed, life-long Marxist. He often said, “I was born a Marxist and
will die a Marxist”. But beyond that he was a democrat and a militant
atheist. He was always carrying out propaganda against religion and
mullahs in whatever company he found himself in. One of his favourite
texts was Bhagat Singh’’s article “Why I am an atheist”. But there was an
interesting contradiction in him and that was that he had a soft spot
for Sikhism. According to him, his forebears were Sikhs. He would often
quote from the Sikh gurus and would even sometimes give the Sikh
greeting “Sat Sri Akal”. In his later years he always wore a Sikh
“kara”. Once he explained to me that he did not regard Sikhism as a
religion but as something pointing out the “dharma”, one’’s righteous duty.

Bali’’s revolutionary Marxism was not based on some abstract ideas and
was not imported from outside. His views were deeply rooted in the soil
where he was born and that is Punjab. His inspiration for revolution in
Pakistan was not so much the Russian, Chinese, Vietnamese, Cuban
revolutions as the Ghadar Party in India and particularly the Punjab and
its revolutionary activities in the early years of the twentieth
century. He knew everything about that armed struggle in the Punjab
against British imperialism and would talk about that often. More than
Lenin, Che, Mao, Ho Chi Minh, his revolutionary hero and example were
Bhagat Singh and his comrades. He was also exceptionally well informed
about India’’s First War of Independence in 1857. Surprisingly he was
also a keen student of Sufi philosophy and history. In this sense he was
a real son of the soil, although he had read many of the classic texts
of Marx, Engels, Lenin and Mao. But this does not mean that he was
parochial in any sense. He was a keen observer of the revolutionary
movements around the world.

Like most of us, at that time in the late 60s and early 70s, inspired by
Mao, Ho Chi Minh and Che Guevara, Bali believed in the revolutionary
armed struggle and the imminent arrival of the socialist revolution. We
were all idealists but we soon realised that the revolution was a long
way away. Some lost heart at this point and dropped out of the struggle
but Bali never lost hope in the ultimate victory of the workers and
peasants. He, however, realised that the short-term goal in Pakistan was
the establishment of democracy and the end of military dictatorship. In
the last years of his life he came to the belief that armed struggle was
not appropriate at the moment in Pakistan and what we needed was a
peaceful mass struggle for democracy. In this regard he was impressed
and inspired by the recent victories of the democratic movements in
Latin America.

Bali was sceptical of NGOs. He never trusted them. He thought that they
took away young people from the real democratic struggle and corrupted
them by paying them high salaries. He would proudly proclaim that he had
never joined an NGO.

The lawyers’’ struggle of 2007 for justice and democracy against the
Musharraf regime found Bali in the forefront of the demonstrations. He
was to be seen every day in front of the Supreme Court carrying banners
and raising slogans. He printed and distributed pamphlets and organised
the demonstrations. The struggle seemed to have rejuvenated him. In
spite of the fact that by this time Bali had discovered that he had
serious heart problems he continued to be present at the demonstrations
carrying his water bottle and pills. In fact although his heart
condition was quite serious he went on a hunger strike in favour of the
Chief Justice in March 2008 outside the Judges Colony. When I reproached
him for not taking care of his health, his reply was that he was a
revolutionary and had to do his duty and that he was already more than
75 years old so it did not matter if he died.

He was particularly happy to see that there were so many new young
people involved in these demonstrations. In return young people
discovered in him an example of a dedicated revolutionary to follow and
he inspired all those who met him. During the lawyers movement he became
close to the young members of the Rawalpindi branch of the Communist
Mazdoor Kisan Party, CMKP. As far as I know, Bali had never joined a
party before, but these young dedicated workers of the CMKP finally
persuaded him to join the party, which he did in March 2008, at a
restaurant in Islamabad where I was also present. This move gave a boost
to the CMKP in Rawalpindi and Islamabad. His house became the meeting
place for the CMKP. In June 2009 he was elected as the Chairman of the
CMKP Pindi District Committee. Because of his militancy, revolutionary
enthusiasm and untiring work ethic he was also elected as Chairman of
the Awami Jamhoori Ittehad in Islamabad.

During the last year Bali came to the conclusion that Islamic extremism
and the Taliban were the greatest danger to Pakistan. He was quite clear
about this. He, like many others on the left, supported the recent
military action against the Taliban in Swat and Waziristan. However at
the same time he continued to be a staunch anti-imperialist and did not
waver in his stand that the US and NATO should withdraw from Afghanistan.

Bali continued to be active to the end. We will miss his enthusiasm, his
hard work and revolutionary zeal. He will live in our hearts as an
example of a true revolutionary.

Faheem Hussain
The author is Professor of Physics in the School of Science and
Engineering, Lahore University of Management Sciences.