جو گدھا ہوتا ہے

ژورژ براسَوں ۔ جو گدھا ہوتا ہے

جب وہ نئے نویلے ہوتے ہیں
ابھی انڈے سے برامد ہوئے
اپنے خول سے
ہر نوجوان
کی نظر میں بُڈھے
گدھے ہوتے ہیں۔

جب وہ آئے
گنجے سر لے کر
بھورے بالوں والے
اِن سب بُڈھے حُکّوں
کی نظر میں جوان
گدھے ہوتے ہیں۔

میں جو دونوں عمروں کے درمیان ڈگمگا رہا ہوں
دونوں کو ایک پیغام دینا چاھتا ہوں

وقت سے کچھ نہیں ہوتا
جو گدھا ہوتا ہے، گدھا ہوتا ہے
کہ عمر بیس سال ہو، یا بندہ دادا ہو
جو گدھا ہوتا ہے، گدھا ہوتا ہے

بس اب جھگڑا ختم کرو
دقیانوس گدھے یا نومولود

پچھلی برسات کے چھوٹے گدھے
یا ازلی برف کے بُڈھے گدھے

( x 2 )

تم، نومولود گدھے
معصوم گدھے
جوان گدھے
جو، اب جُھٹلانا نہ، بُڈھوں کو گدھا سمجھتے ہو۔۔۔

تم، کُہن سال گدھے
چلے ہوئے گدھے
بُڈھے گدھے
جو، مان لو اب، چھوٹوں کو گدھا سمجھتے ہو۔۔۔

غور کرو اِس غیر جانبدار پیغام پر
عُمروں کے درمیان ڈگمگانے والے کا

وقت سے کچھ نہیں ہوتا
جو گدھا ہوتا ہے، گدھا ہوتا ہے
کہ عمر بیس سال ہو، یا بندہ دادا ہو
جو گدھا ہوتا ہے، گدھا ہوتا ہے

پہلا قصیدہ، ماخوز ـ جنگلی جانوروں کے ووٹ کے انتظار میں

پہلا قصیدہ، ماخوز ـ جنگلی جانوروں کے ووٹ کے انتظار میں

جب ۱۸۸۴ میں برلِن میں یورپی طاقتوں نے افریقہ کے بٹوارے پر کانفرنس کی تو خلیجِ بینِن اور  ساحلِ غلاماں کا علاقہ فرانسیسیوں اور جرمنوں کو ملا۔ خلیج کے علاقہ میں آبادکاروں نے تہزیبی مِشن کا نیا تجرُبہ کیا۔ امریکہ گئے، غلام خریدے، انہیں آزاد کیا اور خلیج کےعلاقے میں آباد کیا۔

اتنی تگ و دو نہ ہی کرتے، مُکمّل ناکامی کا سامنا کرنا پڑا۔ آزاد کیٗے گئے غلاموں کو ایک ہی دھندا سُوجھا : اُس علاقے کے لوگوں کو پکڑ پکڑ کے غلامی میں بیچنا۔ پر برلِن کی کانفرنس کے بعد غلاموں کی تجارت پر ممانعت کے بین الاقوامی معاہدے ہو چکے تھے۔ اِن آزاد کیٗے گئے غُلاموں سے آبادکاروں کا کام نہ چل سکا۔

انہوں نے اُسی علاقے کے افریقی قبائل سے تجربہ کار سپاہی بھرتی کیٗے اور اپنی توپوں کے زور پر اُس خطے کے کونے کونے پر قبضہ کرنے نِکل پڑے۔ قاتلانہ فتوحات کا یہ سلسلہ ہمہ دم آگے بڑھتا رہا، اُس دن تک کہ جب یورپی آبادکار اُن پہاڑوں میں جا پہنچے جو برِّ اعظمِ افریقہ کی ڑیڑھ  کی ہڈی ہیں اور یہاں اُن کا سامنا ایسے ان دیکھے، ایسے غیر متوقع عجوبے سے ہوا جس کا ذِکر افریقہ کے ماہرین کی اُن کتابوں میں بھی نہ تھا جو کھوجیوں کیلیٗے قاعدہ کی حیثیت رکھتے تھے۔

اُن کا سامنا ننگے اِنسانوں سے تھا۔ ایک دم ننگے اِنسان۔  بِنا کسی مُعاشرتی نظام۔ بِنا سردار۔ ہرخاندان کا سربراہ اپنے قلعے میں رہتا تھا اور اُس کے حکم کی حد اُس کے تِیر کی پہنچ تک کی تھی۔ جنگلیوں کے جنگلی کہ جِن کے ساتھ نہ مُہذِّب زُبان، نہ جارہیت کی زُبان میں بات ہو سکتی تھی۔ بلکہ خوفناک، تِیر انداز جنگلی۔ اُنہیں قلعہ بہ قلعہ فتح کرنا پڑے گا۔ یہ علاقہ وسیع و عریض، نا مہربان  پہاڑی سلسلہ ہے۔ اُس چھوٹی سی فوج کیلیٗے نامُمکِن منصوبہ تھا۔ فاتِحین نے ماہرِ نسلیات سے مشورہ کیا۔ اِن ماہرین نے اُنہیں ننگے اِنسانوں کا نام دیا، پالیونِگرِتیک، یہ نام بہت لمبا ہے، پالیو سے اِکتفا کرتے ہیں۔

ماہرینِ نسلیات نے فوج کو مشورہ دیا کہ پہاڑی سلسلے کو چھوڑ کر میدانی علاقوں کے ڈھکے ہوئے کالوں، مُنظّم کالوں، محکوم کالوں میں اپنی ناصرانہ اور خونی فتوحات کا سلسلہ جاری رکھیں۔

پالیووں کو سامان اُٹھانے اور جبری مشقّت سے وقتی استثنا دیا گیا۔ (جبری مشقّت وہ لازم اور مُفت کی خدمت تھی جو مقامی لوگ ہر سال سفید فام آبادکاروں کو فراہم کرتے تھے۔) پالیووں کو ان سے مستثنیٰ کر کے پادریوں کے حوالے کر دیا گیا۔ پادریوں کی ذمّہ داری ٹھہری کہ ایجادات کریں، ننگے اِنسانوں سے بات چیت کریں، دِینی تعلیم دیں، انہیں عیسائیت کا درس دیں، اُنہیں مُہذِّب بنائیں۔ اُنہیں اِس قابل کریں کہ وہ آبادکاری کے لائق ہوں، اُن پر نظامت کی جا سکے، وہ قابلِ استحصال ہوں۔


ماخوز جنگلی جانوروں کے ووٹ کے انتظار میں، احمدُو کُورُوما

مغربی افریقہ کا تقشہ: http://www.thisissierraleone.com/wp-content/uploads/2012/08/West-Africa-418×215.jpg

دیامر بھاشا ـ۔ ایک اور حماقت

دانش مصطفیٰ
دانش مصطفیٰ

بیرونِ ملک مُقیم پاکستانیوں سے جمع کیٗے جانے والے چندے کی رقم سے وزیرِاعظم عمران خان نے دوسرے منصوبوں کے ساتھ ساتھ  دیامیر بھاشا ڈیم کی تعمیر کا  وعدہ بھی کیا ہے. یہ  پڑھا تو یقین مشکل سے ہی آیا. ڈیموں سے متعلق عالمی کمیشن کے مطابق ڈیموں کی تعمیر کے منصوبوں کی لاگت اپنے ابتدائی تخمینے سے ٩٨ فیصد تک تجاوز کر جاتی ہے. حال ہی میں ہمارے نیلم جہلم ڈیم کے منصوبے کی لاگت میں ٥٠٠ فیصد اضافہ دیکھا گیا یعنی اس کی لاگت ابتدائی تخمینے سے ٥ گنا زیادہ ہے. دیامیر بھاشا ڈیم کی لاگت کا موجودہ تخمینہ ۱۴ ارب امریکی ڈالر ہے . مُحتاط اندازے کے مطابق ڈیم کی اصل لاگت ٢٨ ارب امریکی ڈالر ہوگی. اس سے زیادہ لاگت کے بارے میں سوچنا بھی ناممکن ہے.

سن ٢۰١٦ میں سرکاری تخمینے کے مطابق پاکستان کی مجموعی ملکی پیداوار ۲۸۴ ارب امریکی ڈالر تھی. یعنی ہم اپنی مجموعی ملکی پیداوار کا ١٠ فیصد دیامیر بھاشا ڈیم پر خرچ کرنے کا ارادہ رکھتے ہیں. یورپ میں اس وقت بنیادی سطح پر سب سے بڑا تعمیراتی منصوبہ لندن کا کراس ریل منصوبہ ہے جس کی لاگت ١٩ ارب امریکی ڈالر ہے لیکن اس منصوبے میں برطانوی معیشت سرمایا لگا رہی ہے جس کی اپنی قدر ٢٦ کھرب امریکی ڈالر ہے. ان اعداد و شمار سے یہ اندازہ لگانا زیادہ مشکل نہیں ہے کہ پاکستانی عوام سے اس منصوبے پر غیر متناسب سرمایہ کاری کا تقاضہ کیا جا رہا ہے اور یہ منصوبہ شائد ضروری بھی نہیں۔

پِچھلے بیس سال سے پاکستانی اینجینئیرنگ اِسٹیبلِشمنٹ دل ہی دل میں یہ جانتی ہے کہ زلزلہ کے خطرے کی وجہ سے دیامر بھاشا ڈیم تکنیکی طور پر ناقابلِ عمل ہے۔ یہ ڈیم در اصل برِصغیر اور یوریژیا کی ارضیاتی پرتوں کی سرحد پر واقع ہے۔ اس علاقے میں جا بجا زیرِزمین گہرے شگاف موجود ہیں، اور واپڈا کے اپنے تکنیکی تجزیاتی مطالعوں میں اس بات کو تسلیم کیا گیا ہے۔ بشیر ملک جیسے انجینئیر جو عالمی بینک اور اقوامِ متحدہ کے فنّی مشیر رہ چکے ہیں اور جو پاکستان میں ڈیموں کی تعمیر کے زبردست حامی گِنے جاتے ہیں، انہوں نے خود دو ٹوک الفاظ میں کہا ہے کہ زلزہ سے بھاشا ڈیم کے تباہ ہونے کا امکان اتنا زیادہ ہے کہ اس کو تعمیر نہیں کرنا چاہئیے۔

دریائے سندھ کا شمار دنیا کے سب سے زیادہ گارہ بردار دریاوں میں کیا جاتا ہے، جس وجہ سے موافق حالات میں بھی، اس پر ڈیم باندھنا پُرخطر کام سمجھا جاتا ہے۔ نا صرف یہ، بلکہ اینجینئیر حضرات کے منصوبے کے مطابق یہ ڈیم دنیا کے اونچے ترین کانکریٹ سے بھرے ڈیموں میں شمار کیا جائے گا۔ یہ طے شُدہ بات ہے کہ اُونچے ڈیم کے پیچھے جمع پانی کے وزن سے بڑے زلزلے آنے کے امکانات بڑھ جاتے ہیں۔ اِس مظہرِ قُدرت کا تفصیلاً مطالعہ کیا جا چکا ہے۔ یہ سب جانتے ہوئے، ایسا کیوں ہے کہ مُلک کا پیسہ اور وقت ایک ایسے منصوبہ پر صرف ہو رہا ہے جسے خود اینجینئیر ناقابلِ عمل سمجھتے ہیں؟

یہ کوئی حُسنِ اِتِّفاق نہیں کہ متعدد افتتاحی تقریبات کے باوجود، اس ڈیم پر تعمیراتی کام آگے نہیں بڑھ سکا۔ عام طور پر سمجھا جاتا ہے کہ اِس کی وجہ پیسوں کی کمی ہے۔ حتّیٰ کہ اس منصوبے سے تو چینیوں نے بھی ہاتھ اُٹھا لئیے ہیں، جبکہ اُنہیں ڈیم کی تعمیر کا ماہر  سمجھا جاتا ہے۔ یہ کِسی سازش کا نتیجہ نہیں ہے۔ اس کی وجہ یہ ہے کہ ہر سرمایہ کار وہ جانتا ہے جو واپڈا خود جانتا ہے، کہ اس ڈیم کی ناکامی کے امکانات زیادہ ہیں اور ایک ایسا مُلک جو اپنی سالانہ پیداوار کا ۱۰ فیصد ایسے منصوبے پر لگانے جا رہا ہے، وہاں سرمایہ کاری کا جواز نہیں بنتا۔  مُجھے اِس منصوبے کے بارے میں الہام نہیں ہوا، نہ ہی میں نے بذاتِ خود اس پر تحقیق کی ہے، یہ حکومت کے اپنے دستاویزات ہیں جن میں اِن عوامل کا ذکر کِیا گیا ہے۔

سچ بات تو یہ ہے کہ میں یہ سمجھنے سے قاصر ہوں کہ واپڈا بدستور ایک ایسے منصوبہ کی حمایت کیوں کر رہا ہے کہ جسے وہ خود غیر محفوظ سمجھتا ہے۔ میں بد گمانی میں یہ کہہ سکتا ہوں کہ شاید اُنہوں نے سوچا کہ ڈیم تو بننا نہیں، کیوں نا کنسلٹینسی اور اینجینئیرنگ کے ٹھیکوں سے کچھ جمع پونجی بنائی جائے؟ ویسے بھی، ڈیم کو توجّہ کا مرکز بنانے کا ایک فائدہ یہ بھی ہے کہ مُلک کے مُختلِف شعبوں میں پانی کے بٹوارے میں عدم مطابقت اور بد انتظامی پر اُٹھنے والے مشکل سوالات پسِ پردہ چلے جاتے ہیں۔ یاد رہے کہ واپڈا کے اپنے اعداد و شمار کے مطابق سِسٹم میں مزید بڑے ڈیموں کیلیٗے پانی نہیں ہے۔ مثلاً سال میں ۹۰ فیصد وقت دریائے سندھ میں کوٹری کے بعد ۲۵ لاکھ کیوسیک سے کم پانی گزرتا ہے۔ صرف سیلاب کے دوران ۱۷۶ لاکھ کیوسیک کی تسلّی بخش مقدار میسر ہوتی ہے۔

میں نے کبھی دیامر بھاشا ڈیم کے بارے میں نہیں لِکھا کیونکہ مجھے معلوم ہے کہ زلزلہ کے خطرہ کی وجہ سے کوئی بھی اس میں سرمایہ کاری نہیں کرے گا۔ میں یہ بھی جانتا ہوں کہ پاکستانی اینجینیٗر جانتے ہیں کہ ڈیم کا منصوبہ نا قابلِ عمل ہے۔ علاوہ ازیں، کوئی بھی شخص جو حساب جانتا ہے آپ کو بتا سکتا ہے کہ ڈیموں کی تعمیر کیلیٗے چندہ جمع کرنے میں صدیاں بیت جائیں گی۔ توقع کی جا سکتی ہے کہ اس منصوبے کا مزید کئی درجن دفعہ افتتاح کیا جائے گا، اس وقت تک کہ جب تک زندگی ہمیں کسی نئے جنون کی طرف نہ لے جائے۔


مُصنّف کِنگز کالج لندن میں شعبہِ جغرافیہ میں سیاست اور ماحولیات کے مُحقِّق ہیں۔ وہ پانی کے وسائل، خطرات اور ترقیاتی جغرافیہ میں دلچسپی رکھتے ہیں۔

یہ مقالہ پہلے انگریزی اخبار ڈیلی ٹائیمز میں ۱۰ ستمبر، ۲۰۱۸ کو شائع ہوا

https://dailytimes.com.pk/295537/folly-thy-name-is-diamer-bhasha

مترجم: ڈاکٹر نُصرت ذہرہ، امان اللہ کریاپر

Lahore, 2000 AD

Lahore, 2000 AD

 

“There are two chapters of resistance in the history of the PML-N. The second one is this period since Nawaz Sharif was disqualified by the Supreme Court in July 2017. But the original one was written under the stewardship of Begum Kulsoom. Until she started challenging the military dictator, this aspect of the party was hidden from public view,” argues a political commentator who wishes to remain anonymous.

https://www.dawn.com/news/1432417

This story is from a time when I thought all politicians deserved all the trouble they got.

I was disgusted with Nawaz for the shameless way in which they exploited the gullibility of millions of sincere, patriotic Pakistanis in the “mulk sawaanro, qrz utaro” scheme.

And I was uncomfortable with PPP due to Zadari’s reputation as Mr 10% and the large number of feudals in that party. I was also suspicious of Benazir due to some interviews she had given on CNN in the mid 90s.

But I’d read the Herald report on the number of dead of the Northern Light Infantry in the Kargil adventure (conservatively estimated at 10,000, but possibly as high as 18,000, if I’m not mistaken) and how, contrary to usual practice, the bodies of the martyrs were not being returned as soon as possible, but deliberately delayed by two to three months, that is, the army was staggering their return so as to avoid a possibly dangerous upsurge in emotion among the population of Gilgit-Baltistan. In the face of this tragic slaughter (exceeding the total of all the previous wars between India and Pakistan) I couldn’t unquestioningly get behind the adulation of heros like Lalak Jan and others – not because I didn’t appreciate their bravery or sacrifice, but because I saw it being used to divert attention from the strategic and tactical miscalculations at the higher level of miltary decision-making that forced them to sacrifice their lives.

Not a single senior military officer resigned in recognition of the failure of the adventure. However, thousands of soldiers and hundreds of junior officers died – for no gain to the country.

As Begum Kulsoom Nawaz is laid to rest, I recall that time in my life when I was a confused and helpless observer, wondering how to make sense of all this. Her action – this very image of her car suspended in mid-air – added yet another question to the growing list of questions I had on politics and direct military rule.

Much has improved since then, notably the level of mass participation in practical politics and debate on public affairs.  I’m hopeful that my land will continue to produce more of the courage and intelligence required to question the unquestionables, and make Pakistan the land of justice, peace and opportunity that we dream of.

“the horror, the horror” OR Punjabi Showdown, Part 2

“the horror, the horror” OR Punjabi Showdown, Part 2

Kargil has indeed cast a long shadow over us.

Other things too. In recent days, as the row between the PML N and the men on horseback intensifies, I’m struck by certain political lineages. But first, let’s just applaud this veteran politician for finally saying in public what so many have thought in private:

Javed Hashmi’s press conference in Multan

Javed Hashmi, “the reward for the blood of the martyrs is, however, not the right to rule”

Back to lineages and Punjab vs Punjab:

In a discussion on Fatima Jinnah’s challenge to another dictator, Ayub Khan, someone pointed out that the person who committed the most disgusting PR stunt in Gujranwala against her election campaign, was the father of Khwaja Asif, a PML N stalwart and outspoken critic of the military’s role in politics and foreign policy.

Those who were old enough to remember the explosion and aftermath of the Ojhri Camp disaster 30 years ago, felt a disturbance in the force, so to speak, when they heard of Shahid Khaqan Abbasi becoming Prime Minister – his father, after all, was Zia’s Minister of Production, and the man personally in charge of handling the supply line of Stinger missiles from the Americans to the Mujahideen – who tragically died when one of the Stingers set off by the explosions at Ojhri, locked on to his car’s engine and blew it up. Journalists from that time allege that Stingers required specialist training to operate – only someone with that training could have set them off and there was a very limited set of people within the military who had that training. That set of people was under extreme pressure from the Americans to explain how it was that one of their (the Americans’) spy planes had been shot down by a Stinger fired by Irani ground troops – given that the only country the Americans had sold the Stingers to was Pakistan. The blowing up of the entire stockpile of Stinger missiles eliminated the possibility of the audit that the Americans were demanding. Someone or some people decided that it was acceptable to kill hundreds of Pakistanis, wound and maim thousands and endanger the national capital as well as the military GHQ in order to escape accountability. A somewhat fictionalised account of one reporter’s first-hand experience of these events can be found in Tariq Mehmood’s The Song of Gulzarina. The public was never informed of what happened and common Pakistanis who happened to be in the wrong place at the wrong time still have no answers to their questions. So much for discipline, so much for order and justice. No one was hanged, much less jailed for this complete breakdown in national security, for this mass murder.

And, of course, the party crying foul at being victimised by the establishment is the very party for whom the establishment rigged the 1990 elections, as established in the Asghar Khan case.

Khwaja Asif’s father, Shahid Khaqan Abbasi’s father, Maryam Nawaz’s father… the sins of their fathers, it seems, are being visited upon them… except, of course, that the power doing the visiting was once their benefactor, their best friend.

And now, the usual “unidentified men” have attacked and beaten up the elderly Javed Hashmi.

How much shit must you have pulled to be so scared of the slightest whisper of accountability?!

Every single day furnishes further proof of what Benazir Bhutto said, “Democracy is the best revenge.”

Today Raza, tomorrow me

Today Raza, tomorrow me

I met Raza one chilly evening in December 2007, during the agitated, confusing and angry “winter of our discontent”. It was on a quiet street in GOR I in Lahore, where friends had gathered to mount a vigil in support of a judge of the High Court who had refused to take oath under the new Provisional Constitutional Order of General Musharraf’s Emergency Rule. This judge was among the scores of judges summarily dismissed by the regime – which now wanted to evict him and his family from his official residence in contravention of the 30 day notice period. Local activists had decided to mount a vigil outside this residence as a show of support and to bring attention to the rampant abuse of unaccountable power that was quickly taking over the country. Some of them guilted me into joining them for a few hours.

As we were a small group, everyone eventually got into a discussion of the political events going on at that time. There were some lawyers, a couple of young members of PTI (among them Raza), some “white-collar workers” like myself, some life-long human rights activists, elderly ladies in their 60s.

Raza’s arrest, alongwith that of a few other friends and others, a few nights later, became a cause célèbre for the lawyers movement as it was the first time that ordinary citizens, not aligned with any of the major political parties, not even lawyers, had stood up to the imposition of martial law and affirmed their belief in the necessity of legitimate, representative, civilian government – by the people, of the people, for the people.

We have been friends ever since, collaborating on a variety of causes over the years: highlighting the complicity of the government in enforced disappearances in 2006 – 2008, helping with relief efforts in support of internally displaced persons in Swat in 2009, demonstrating against Israeli aggression in Gaza in 2009/10 and again in 2011, participating in the campaign for the release from unlawful detention of Baba Jan Hunzai and his comrades.

In the spring of 2008, at the HRCP’s Dorab Patel Auditorium, we organised a seminar, “Missing in Pakistan”, that re-focused national attention on this most disquieting phenomenon. Our guests of honour included the families and representatives of Pakistanis abducted by security agencies, whose whereabouts remained unknown. We did not discriminate on the basis of ideology or possible accusation/reason for internment – our stance was, and remains, simple: the right to due process before the law is the basic requirement for civilized conduct and justice, regardless of the nature of the accusation. Raza was an active member of the organizing team of this event.

On the evening of December 2nd, 2017, Raza himself was abducted by people whom law-enforcement authorities privately confirm could only have been members of the security agencies.

It is now more than four months since his enforced disappearance, almost exactly ten years since he helped to organize the “Missing in Pakistan” seminar.

I have to stand up for him and for myself now.

اتنا نہ ڈراوؑ کہ ڈر ہی ختم ہو جائے۔

que sera, sera

I just spent around four hours going through more than 150 comments in a discussion thread in which a colleague and his current and former students, over a period of three days, have done their best to malign the character, academic credentials, professional judgement and intellectual integrity of one of the giants of theoretical computer science and of science education of Pakistan.

The target of their ire, Dr Ashraf Iqbal, is the Dean of the Faulty of Information Technology at the University of Central Punjab. He is also a poet and short story writer.

“Previous” include:

  • Almost 30 years of teaching electrical engineering at UET Lahore
  • Research work at NASA Research Centre, Langley and the University of South California
  • Overhauling the CS department at LUMS (Lahore University of Management Sciences), transforming it from a small department struggling with severe retention issues in 1999 to a dynamic powerhouse, active in research in both advanced theoretical topics as well as innovative applications of information and communication technologies. It was here that the major axes of his academic contributions of the years since were first elaborated: investigating common learning difficulties and obstacles in science and engineering in order to develop better pedagogical techniques, and, closely related, finding novel ways to apply ICT to solve some of Pakistan’s most pressing problems – lack of basic education, absence from the global research endeavour in the sciences (and hence our perpetual, dangerous, debilitating technological dependence), lack of innovation in terms of the new technology-enabled economy.
  • Developing a unique, research-oriented MS in Innovation, Technology and Education at NUST (National University of Science and Technology, Rawalpindi) – the first graduate program with an explicit focus on novel pedagogical approaches with the mandate to explore effective ways of blending instruction design, assessment and technology to deliver immersive learning experiences. The graduates of this program have an entrepreneurial mindset – self-starters with a deep passion for their field – who are making significant contributions to the goal of affordable, quality education for everyone, any where, any time.
  • Writing a textbook for use in introductory courses in graph theory – a core area in computer science – that gives preference to developing intuitive appreciation of the phenomena studied, rather than process drills or pattern-matching for “solving numericals”.

And he still believes that he hasn’t done enough for Pakistan, for the Muslim world, for science and education in Pakistan.

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Coming back to the accusations and innuendo, the veiled and not-so-veiled threats, the attempts at character assassination – what was heartening and really encouraging were some of the responses of UCP students who methodically de-constructed the “case” this colleague has tried to build, pointing out the various logical fallacies, bringing to light the vested interest – vengeance – of this colleague and questioning his blatant manipulation of the religious feelings of his former students, who are, it seems, entirely unaware of the actual causes of his dispute with Professor Ashraf Iqbal.

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I want to make this clear: no more. No more evil disguised as religiosity, no more abuse of religion for personal gain or revenge – na cchayR malangaan nooun.

if I’m blown to smithereens
     game over – and others will have to pick up the pieces (in every sense)
else, if I survive
if everyone I know survived
      I have reason to be thankful for small mercies
else, if a family member or relative is injured
       trauma
else, if a family member or relative dies
       madness

A parent whose child was among those killed in the Army Public School attack said:

ہمارے بچے پڑھنے کیلئے اسکول گئے تھے، شہید ہونے نہیں۔

(“Our children went to school to learn, not to be martyred.”)

 

there used to be this song “semi-charmed life”

“Against that accusatory finger…

“Against that accusatory finger…

there are four more pointing back at you.”

— famous Chinese proverb (according to a someone much better-read than me)

What do you do with a Judas?

He opens so many doors to so many people – yet he lets so many die… or worse, participates in, precipitates their deaths, or the death of their dreams. There are many such examples in today’s world of billionaire philanthropists.

Here, I am mainly intrigued by a Pakistani entrepreneur who has had a major influence on our lives at a very basic level: through the introduction of cheap, food-grade packaging solutions. This company has enabled the agri-business sector (and possibly alleviated unemployment a tad bit) and instead of being another burden on the balance of trade, it has contributed positively to it via exports and the avoidance of imports. Yet, it has brought about a revolution in the sales reach of packaged foods so that you can now find biscuits, chips, milk, cream of more or less questionable quality in the khokha of the smallest hamlet of the country. The environmental degradation, health issues due to consumption of these “non-organic” food products esp. among children, and cultural costs due to the disappearance of so many cottage/home industries brought about by this sea-change are issues that the next generation will have to deal with. Did such intelligent people as those working on these projects not see what they were doing? Or they did not care? “Negative externalities” is the right term to use I believe – which sounds like the economics equivalent of collateral damage.

At another level, the same person has proven to be a visionary: establishing academic institutions that are some of the best in their fields in Pakistan. Well, at least as per the generally accepted standards in these matters. More penetrating analysis might provide alternative, possibly more useful, perspectives. What cannot be denied is that these institutions have been steadfast bastions for a population in need of knowledge, critical thinking and creativity.

So it’s all the more puzzling that he should continue to be associated with a global trans-national corporation that is either the biggest or second biggest food processing group in the world – and it keeps growing, gobbling up smaller companies, expanding its “portfolio”, cowing and cajoling governments into “liberalizing” legislation for fatter profit margins. I don’t doubt that its competitors follow the exact same practices – else, they could not possibly keep up! But it does mean that this company – and its major competitors – care only for the “bottom line”… and even there, only for the profits of its big shareholders and upper management. For many shareholders of this company have tried to hold its feet to the fire on multiple violations of international treaties and national laws (in Europe, Africa and Asia) and have had no more than partial success – such is the power of Manon. For a very balanced, painfully careful account, you can read Mike Muller’s Guardian article from a few years ago: Nestlé baby milk scandal has grown up but not gone away

By providing a public space for Nestlé to comment, this article succeeds in drawing out a revealing response from its chairperson, Mr Peter Brabeck (see comments below the article), which allowed a civil society campaigner to point out some crucial inconsistencies and omissions in Mr. Brabeck’s response.

And then here’s something that is a source of immense pride for me. I really admire the courage and steadfastness of Syed Aamir Raza, a Nestlé baby milk salesperson from Sialkot, who, when he realized that babies in his sales region were dying because of the work of his team “influencing” doctors to prescribe Nestlé’s formula, resigned and spoke out against these practices. Despite the incredible pressure that such a large company has brought to bear to shut him out, to shut him up, he persisted and now, in collaboration with the International Baby Food Action Network, the film, Tigers, dramatizing his struggle has been released. I love this guy – here’s a regular, un-pretentious guy, trying to stand up for what’s right, regardless of the consequences. Struggling, wavering and ultimately choosing to take the road less traveled.

Do you see the incongruity of it all? A Pakistani guy, a young man from a nation reviled for the actions of its young men, from a group of countries considered “failed states”, “basket cases”, “corrupt to the core”, showing up the much bigger, “legalized” corruption of one of the largest companies in the world, based in the country that is the very symbol, in the mind of the public, of high idealism, of human rights (the UN Human Rights Council is based in Geneva) and humanitarianism (via the ICRC and the IFRC)*.

Just so it’s clear, Nestlé has consistently violated the marketing codes related to food products for infants – all over the world.

cover of the original 1974 report documenting unethical, aggressive marketing practices of companies producing powdered milk for babies
cover of the original 1974 report documenting unethical, aggressive marketing practices of companies producing powdered milk for babies

In its home country, Switzerland, and its home continent, Europe, it has repeatedly faced criticism for its unethical actions, leading to multiple boycotts and even punitive judicial action in some Third World countries with spine. The World Health Organization estimates that breast-feeding could prevent 800,000 child deaths every year – yet Nestlé and its competitors continue to aggressively market their formula milk for infants, constantly breaking the rules.

So, coming back to the dilemma – what do we do with this man? Just accept that “it’s complicated” (as per social media) and get on with one’s life? I tend towards this conclusion – with one caveat: it’s important to understand the fuller/deeper/larger story and what it means in its context. A case in point: getting a handle on the paradoxes he embodies gives me a better understanding of the highly publicized case of sexual harassment of a student by a teacher who is a member of his clan – at one of the very institutions he helped establish. A case in which, despite the directives of the Federal Ombudsman that he be fired, the predatory relative was protected and the victim vilified. After all, what does one measly National Outreach Programme scholar matter when the deaths of thousands of babies leave one unruffled?

At this point, a friend said, but he could always claim that as a member of the BoG of the company, he can’t be expected to keep an eye on the day-to-day activities of Nestlé Pakistan. To which I have two answers: I’m sure he knows exactly where each and every paisa in the account books come from and also that when one goes into a joint venture with a company, one does one’s due diligence and if the fact of a global boycott campaign somehow escaped their notice, then it sort of makes one wonder if corporate “due diligence” is yet another example of Orwellian Newspeak. Milkpak became Nestlé Pakistan in the late eighties/early nineties, the Nestlé baby milk scandal broke in 1974 and, as noted above, has never really gone away. So.

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I asked a friend, an economist, to review this post and he came back with a comment that he says is standard political economy but which untangled so many knots for me: “He created a school so his class could hire cheap local labor and then there were some good things along the way for which he’s had sufficient political mileage. And he’s probably monetized that as well. I judge him neither for the “good” nor for the “bad” for they appear to me to be two sides of the same coin. It’s all good business and that’s how you do good business in a capitalist world. And then there are people […] who keeping nipping at their ankles […] And that’s quite nice.”

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The deeper, really difficult question for me is: how would I behave given the same power and privilege? Would I meet the same standards of farsightedness and honesty that I expect from the enlightened don of our business “community”?

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* Which opens a whole different can of worms – how to reconcile the co-existence of major UN and various international organisations that may be termed “pro-people” in Switzerland with its terrible record during WWII and the notorious banking secrecy laws – the laws that allowed Switzerland to pioneer the “we’ll keep your ill-gotten wealth safe for you” industry?